We use cookies where necessary to allow us to understand how people interact with our website and content, so that we can continue to improve our service.
We only ever receive anonymous information, and cannot track you across other websites.
View our privacy policy
Over the past 18 months, public concern about the economy has reduced but remains the leading issue for voters, while concern about health has remained fairly constant. Concern about immigration and asylum has risen by 18% points in the last 18 months. Concern about the environment has remained steady throughout this period. In general, MP concerns are similar, but show greater fluctuation than public concern, with larger peaks and troughs in prioritisation of the economy and health.
In the lead up to the election, the issues most affecting people’s decision to vote were the cost of living, health, the economy, immigration and asylum, with environment and climate change in fifth place (19%). The issue of climate was more important to some than others: 39% of those who switched their vote from Labour to the Lib Dems or Greens indicated that the environment and climate was important to their vote.
For non-voters, the most important issues to them in the weeks before the election were the same, although with greater emphasis on the cost of living and less on the environment and climate change.
MPs tend to underestimate the role that climate played in for voters – only 8% of MPs thought that the environment and climate would play a role in people’s votes.
Despite an all-encompassing cost of living crisis, the Conservatives’ net zero pivot in September 2023, and Labour scrapping its 28 billion green spending target, voters across the political spectrum continue to support net zero by 2050.
Labour’s win at the election was a landslide in terms of seats, but a third of Labour voters said they were ‘tactical’ voters, driven more by the desire to prevent another party from winning than their support for Labour (and 43% of these said they would have wanted to vote Green if they could).
After holding steady for many months, public support for net zero jumped to its highest level in 18 months after the election, rising particularly among Conservative voters. And while MP support for net zero fell prior to the election, it is near unanimous post-election, at 94% in support of the target.
Renewables remain highly popular across the political spectrum. Support for clean energy remains consistently high over time, especially wind and solar although this support is underestimated. Most people support renewables even at a local level, but this support isn’t unconditional (and early community engagement is crucial). Most people believe renewables, not fossil fuels, are the best way of building the country’s energy security.
Public support for pylons has not changed, and both public and MP perceptions of support are much lower than actual support.
GB energy is supported across the political spectrum, with only Reform voters hesitant. But, voters do expect the cost of living to increase, and some, particularly Conservative and Reform voters, are worried that the transition to renewables will worsen the crisis.
Energy sources most favoured by MPs in the new parliament include offshore wind (93%), solar (85%) and onshore wind (79%), with dips in support for oil, coal, and both green and blue hydrogen.
Climate change isn’t a major dividing line for voters: most people want more, not less action on climate. The public have maintained a steady level of support for the UK being ‘one of the most ambitious countries in the world when it comes to addressing climate change, regardless of what other countries are doing’. More say that the cost of not acting is greater than the cost of acting on climate.
However, post-election the public show signs of dropping slightly on these measures – possibly due to higher expectations of climate action from the new government.
In contrast, after a steady decline in support for UK ambition on climate pre-election, the new parliament is overwhelmingly positive about climate action, with 77% of MPs saying that ‘the UK should be one of the most ambitious countries in the world’ on climate.
Public perceptions of government handling of climate are unfavourable, with voters from all major parties more likely to select negative descriptions like ‘incompetent’, ‘indecisive’ and ‘out of touch with the public’ than positive ones.
The public don’t blame climate policies for the high cost of energy bills, but believe that privatisation of energy companies, prioritisation of energy companies interests, and failure to reform the energy markets are primarily responsible.
Many anti-net zero arguments either land badly, or not at all. The vast majority haven’t heard of anti-net zero narratives like ‘net zero policies will make us colder and poorer’, or ‘we can either fix the climate or fix the economy’, or of misinformation about 15 minute cities. Reform UK voters are a slight exception to the latter, but overall only a small percentage of Reform UK voters have heard of this.
Reform UK’s slogan pitting climate change against the NHS has not reached many ears, with 65% saying they hadn’t heard of it, and of the 18% who had, 10% disagreed.
In terms of media sources consumed in general, BBC and Sky News are popular with both the public and MPs. When it comes to information about decarbonisation, MPs are much more likely to consume information from a variety of sources, including for some the Global Warming Policy Foundation and Net Zero Watch.
Many key planks of net zero are broadly supported by the public, including ramping up renewables, incentives for landlords to install insulation, a tax on frequent flyers and the moratorium on fracking remaining in place.
Voters are sensitive to the costs of climate policies, as they are for all policies. Support is lower if everyone is expected to pay for the cost of polices, regardless of income. But opposition is practical, not ideological: support can be built through ensuring that green policies are fairer to those on lower incomes.
Tackling misconceptions is important where people have concerns about the impacts of climate policies on their lives. Support for phasing out the sale of new petrol & diesel vehicles has gradually nudged into opposition. But when it is emphasised that the second hand market will continue, more people think the policy ‘wont impact them at all’, and support for the policy increases.
There is a window of opportunity to build trust and raise support around policies like Low Traffic Neighbourhoods. Despite being portrayed as divisive, support remains higher than opposition for low traffic neighbourhoods, and many say they don’t know or are undecided, suggesting support can be built with the right engagement approaches.
