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The UK has legally binding commitments to achieve net-zero emissions by 2050.
From the phase out of new petrol and diesel cars (and phase in of electric vehicles), to the installation of heat pumps and retrofitting of insulation, reaching net-zero emissions by 2050 requires ongoing public support and a broad political mandate.
But in recent years the broad political consensus on net zero has broken down, as volatile energy markets linked to global conflicts have placed a new emphasis on energy security.
In this context, the public’s support for renewable energy has remained strong over recent years, while support for net zero by 2050 has plateaued, not plummeted. And at the local level, communities tend to support renewable infrastructure being built nearby ‘in principle’ – but are clear that criteria like participation, consent, environmental protection and community benefits are necessary precursors.
With all this in mind, how is opinion on energy and net zero changing in the UK?
When, if and how to talk about ‘net zero’ has been on a lot of people’s minds this year.
Politically, the term has been at the centre of a collapse in the cross-party consensus on climate change. Media hostility has ramped up.
But despite intensifying campaigns against net zero by opponents of green policies, our tracker shows support for the 2050 net zero target holding steady.
Our latest data suggests that public backing for net zero is plateauing rather than plummeting, and support is still more than double opposition. The outliers are Reform supporters, who are disproportionately exposed to anti-net zero rhetoric from Reform politicians and Reform-sympathetic media.
But while Conservative MPs have largely followed their current leader in turning on the 2050 target, their remaining supporters haven’t.
Climate Barometer tracker polling from October 2025 shows that the public primarily hold ‘businesses that pollute the most’, ‘the fossil fuel industry’, and ‘energy companies’ responsible for covering the majority of costs of transitioning to net zero.
This is consistent for almost every voter group, with the exception of Reform UK supporters, who are reluctant to single out the fossil fuel industry, and are more likely to say ‘nothing would make net zero fair (22%), and Green party supporters, who are more likely to hold the wealthiest 1% of households responsible.
Notably, the public do not hold airline companies, the motor vehicle industry, or households who pollute the most – to the same degree of responsibility.
Few policies to reduce emissions are more popular than home insulation.
Whether motivated by a desire to avoid ‘waste’, a reduction in energy bills, or a passion to protect the environment, preventing heat from seeping out of our houses is something that most people can get behind.
So the recent murmurings around the government’s Warm Homes Plan (specifically to reduce funding for insulating houses) don’t chime with popular opinion: Climate Barometer data shows that nearly three-quarters of the public (72%) support incentives and investment for homeowners and landlords to improve home insulation, compared to only 5% who oppose these. Similarly, 3 in 5 Britons (60%) are in favour of financial support to low income families to help them afford ‘green’ home upgrades like insulation.
The Treasury’s response will come in the autumn budget that looks set to be dominated by discussions about general taxation.
But Climate Barometer data shows that MPs are just as favourable towards insulation measures as the wider public: 85% support incentives and investment for homeowners and landlords to improve home insulation and 78% back financial support to low income families to help them afford ‘green’ home upgrades like insulation.
In the run up to this year’s party conference, Reform party’s deputy leader, Richard Tice, urged investors to halt new offshore wind projects, despite news of a record high in green energy approvals. Labour condemned the move as “outrageous and unpatriotic,” warning it undermines investor confidence. But does Reform’s stance align with wider opinion?
Support for offshore wind remains very high in the UK – around three quarters of the public consistently have supported this form of renewable energy over recent years. Even Reform’s support is strong, with the majority of the party’s backers expressing a favourable view of offshore wind (60%). This support extends to other renewables infrastructure too – such as solar power (68%).
A majority of Reform backers also say they would support such new renewables in their own areas as well – 55% would support onshore wind farms, 58% solar energy parks, and 51% would support new pylons and power lines for carrying renewable energy. Part of the issue here is the ‘perception gap’ around renewables – while 3 in 5 Brits support local renewable energy infrastructure projects, neither MPs nor the public realise how strong that support is.
Kemi Badenoch doubled down on her party’s net zero rollbacks – pledging to get all oil and gas out of the North Sea, and remove net zero requirements on oil and gas companies drilling in the region – if elected. But is the Conservative leader’s stance at odds with wider public opinion?
Climate Barometer data shows that just 8% of Britons see oil and gas as one of the biggest growth sectors over the next five years – compared to 35% who say this about renewable energy and clean technology. This is consistent across UK regions, with only 10% of those in Scotland thinking of oil and gas as one of the top growth sectors in the near future, compared to 39% who say this about renewables.
But the Conservative leader’s position appears to not just be at odds with the wider public – Conservative voters themselves don’t show much faith in fossil fuels as a growing industry either. While there have been some recent shifts, only 14% of those who voted Conservative in 2024 think of the oil and gas sector as showing the biggest growth opportunity for the UK in the next five years. This is roughly half the amount of Conservative voters who say renewables and clean tech are the biggest growing sector (27%), and much less than the amount who think artificial intelligence will grow at pace (43%).
The majority of Britons (55%) think that the best way to ensure the UK’s energy security is to reduce the use of fossil fuels and expand use of renewable energy (such as wind and solar). In comparison, only 24% of the UK public think that increasing the supply of oil and gas by allowing new oil and gas exploration licences, as proposed by Kemi Badenoch on Monday, would be the best way to ensure the UK’s energy security.
Two major trade unions, GMB and Prospect, have launched a new campaign ‘Climate Jobs UK’, warning that public support for the net zero transition could weaken without faster progress on ‘green’ job creation.
The unions, which represent tens of thousands of energy workers, say people need to see good jobs where they live or risk being drawn to parties that are opposing climate action.
New polling commissioned for the campaign shows that while most people back the energy transition, more than half (55%) want jobs and the economy prioritised over speed (17%). Only 30% believe the transition will improve UK job opportunities and fewer than 1 in 10 say they’ve seen green jobs in their area.
Expectations for positive impacts of net zero policies on job opportunities in local areas are in fact low. As recent Climate Barometer data shows, only 1 in 5 Brits anticipate net zero policies to have a positive impact on the local job market over the next five years, with the most common responses being ‘don’t know’ or net zero policies having ‘no impact’.
As this data shows, the British public doesn’t anticipate net zero policies to impact them negatively, but they also won’t go out of their way to defend something that feels abstract and irrelevant to their everyday lives.
Whilst younger age groups tend to think the impact of net zero policies on jobs will be more positive, these findings underline the importance of climate action being felt to tangibly improve people’s lives. This will require people seeing their neighbours, friends or family in good jobs that can provide some stability for the future — and which are, by default, ‘green’.
The link between climate impacts and net zero isn’t always easy to explain, but it matters. We need to cut emissions to limit the worst effects of climate change. But for many people, the link between net zero and real-world impacts like extreme heat or flooding can feel abstract or distant. So how can we make the link?
As part of his first annual climate statement to Parliament, Miliband warned that the climate crisis cannot be ignored. He called out politicians rejecting net zero as “betraying future generations” and said the shared commitment to tackling climate change “must not disappear by default”.
Climate action as a way of staying true to future generations echoes the public’s view on why tackling climate change matters. As Climate Barometer data shows, when asked what they thought were the most convincing arguments for pursuing net zero, Britons were most likely to select the idea that “We owe it to our children and grandchildren to take action to reduce our emissions now; otherwise it is they who will suffer the most” (35%).
This focus on protecting future generations also aligns with what makes climate change feel most urgent to people. New research shows that presenting climate impacts in binary terms is more effective in making it seem more real and imminent than showing average trend data. As extreme weather events gradually become more frequent and severe due to climate change, people tend to become accustomed to the new normal, also called the ‘boiling frog’ effect, and struggle to identify abnormal weather patterns over time.
Presenting climate change in binary terms helps to overcome that. In the study, people found a graph showing whether a fictional lake froze each winter more impactful than a chart of rising average temperatures in a fictional town. This research highlights how important it is to use clear before-and-after examples when talking about climate impacts.
Alongside message testing which suggests it’s helpful to frame climate impacts as “unnatural disasters” while making clear links to policies, these insights could help make climate communication resonate with the British public’s real and sustained concerns.
With roughly 360,000 heat pumps currently installed across the UK, the country remains a long way off the government’s target of installing 600,000 heat pumps every year by 2028, as laid out in the Energy Security Bill. But where do people currently stand on their journey toward using heat pumps? What barriers are holding back wider adoption, and how do these challenges vary across society? Most importantly, what can be done to overcome them?
Nesta’s new audience research helps to answer these questions by providing a segmentation of UK households based on demographic data, their housing situation and attitudes towards heat pumps. Ranging from “eco, high-earning Gen x-ers” — of whom 3% say they already have a heat pump — to “social tenants on tight budgets”, the report identifies the biggest heat pump enablers and barriers for each group to help them adopt the new technology.
And help is urgently needed: As Climate Barometer data shows, public knowledge of heat pumps remains limited, with only 37% of Britons knowing what a heat pump looks like, 22% saying they can describe how a heat pump works, and just 17% having heard mostly good things about them. Alongside this, 1 in 5 Britons have heard and agree with the statement that “heating technologies to replace gas boilers are untested and unreliable”, compared to only 1 in 10 who have heard the argument and disagree with it.
But for heat pumps to become a widely adopted source of heating over the next couple of decades in the UK, it will require more than fixing their image problems. Those who would already consider switching to a heat pump need to be supported to do so practically, and those who are currently unable to or hesitant about installing them need safe assurances that heat pumps will actually improve their comfort and help lower their energy bills over time.
Commentary & Analysis
15th May 2025
With new tracker data being launched, we show how the solid support for climate action has become disconnected from the ‘noise’ surrounding net zero.
Commentary & Analysis
10th November 2024
Taking on the NIMBYs. Beating the blockers. The end goal is commendable, but is this how UK voters would like to be described?
(This commentary has been adapted from a published opinion article in Politics.co.uk)
In the face of rising climate impacts, UK-based researchers are calling for more measures that simultaneously tackle the root causes of climate change, while enabling society to adapt.
Efforts to tackle climate change have tended to prioritise mitigation (reducing emissions) over adaptation efforts (reducing vulnerabilities), and these two broad types of measures are often split across government departments, such as Defra and DESNZ in the UK.
But new research, using the UK’s record-breaking 40C heatwave in 2022 as a case study, has found clear demands for national and local governments to roll out measures that combine mitigation and adaptation.
Policy-makers, climate organisations, and those working in emergency response felt that approaches – such as creating climate-resilient neighbourhoods, tree-planting and other nature-based solutions – should be a priority, given their dual benefits. They felt efforts to combine emissions reductions and adaptation have challenges, but were feasible, with better coordination.
The new analysis also suggests that framing these efforts as part of working towards a ‘climate resilient net zero’ can be a useful way of engaging a range of relevant audiences and decision-makers – building on existing support for net zero.
The study findings are supported by Climate Barometer tracker insights, which shows that both the public and MPs feel mitigation and adaptation are equally important. It also echoes previous work which found that the public view mitigation and adaptation as “two sides of the same coin”.
In a reversal of the government’s decision to grant planning permission for a new coal mine near Whitehaven in Cumbria, the High Court ruled that the greenhouse gas emissions of the coal to be burned at the mine had not been taken into account when the decision had been made.
Instead, and echoing the claims of ‘net zero’ airports which don’t include the emissions from flights, consideration had only been given to the emissions released in building and operating the facility.
The High court decision came during the same month that the last of the UK’s coal-fired power stations was closed.
Commentary & Analysis
4th September 2024
Following the General Election, there is a clear uptick in support for the country’s net zero targets. Support for net zero by 2050 is at its highest point in almost 2 years, yet enthusiasm for some flagship policies hasn’t yet caught up.
Missing Links: Connecting the ‘how’ and the ‘why’ in net zero engagement
“How can you connect the compelling reasons for action with net zero as a policy framework?” A new nationally representative message testing study explores this question, in collaboration with Public First and ECF.