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Polarisation is the divergence of attitudes away from the centre, and towards the extremes. It is more than simply the presence of differences in opinion between people with different political values, although it is often used as a catch-all term for describing differences in opinion among the public.
In Anglophone nations, especially the US and Australia, sharp divides between left and right-wing political ideologies have long been a defining feature of the climate change discourse. And the UK has its own specific history when it comes to polarisation of public and political opinion on climate change.
Tracker data published twice a year by the Climate Barometer shows clear differences between left and right-leaning voters on some issues (for example on support for phasing out the sale of new petrol and diesel cars) but much less divergence elsewhere (for example around support for reaching net zero by 2050). Among MPs, there is more volatility and starker polarisation especially around support for onshore wind among Conservative MPs.
The story of polarisation around climate change in the UK continues, and this thread presents opinion data showing differences and commonalities across social and political divides alongside key political developments and resources for engaging across the political spectrum.
The image of Britain “split down the middle” on issues of local renewable development projects is not, according to research by More in Common, an accurate depiction of public opinion.
In focus groups with communities in two regions where green energy developments have been presented as contentious and controversial in local media, they report that:
“Most Brits are balancers, tired of the loudest voices dominating debates, and eager for us just to get on with it quietly, less talk, less fuss and more action.”
While renewable energy projects are often positioned as controversial, and do attract some loud minority opposition, these conversations suggested people were often not aware of planned developments, and were typically broadly supportive when offered the chance to reflect on them.
Through focus group research with Established Liberals (an audience segment who lean Conservative and care about environmental issues), More in Common explored how to engage these ‘green pragmatists’ on climate change:
When it comes to climate and the environment, Established Liberals aren’t the kind of people to attend Extinction Rebellion protests nor do they see net zero transition as an opportunity to upend or transform the economy. However, they do consistently rate the environment in their top three issues facing the country. Offering the best climate policies in the next election manifestos will be key to winning this group’s vote.
Carbon Brief has released a report reviewing a decade’s worth of climate change editorials – and reports that:
Between 2011-2016 editorial articles in publications such as the Sun, the Daily Telegraph and the Daily Mail generally opposed action to tackle climate change, citing “unreliable” science and “expensive” environmental policies.
But in recent years – a period that has seen the Conservative government commit to net-zero emissions by 2050 and host the COP26 climate summit – right-leaning publications have more readily embraced some efforts to cut emissions.
As a result, these newspapers are now far more likely to support climate action in their editorial pages than oppose it.
A key headline message from the Britain Talks Climate toolkit (grounded in the Britain’s Choice audience segmentation) is that climate change is currently not a polarised issue for Britons, with majorities of all segments saying that it is an issue for everyone, regardless of income, background or politics.
